In the event that the American experiment ends, how might a breakup of the country start? They said Give me freedom.
After the state’s strong gun control laws are overturned by the US Supreme Court, California might decide to secede. Alternatively, Texas rebels after arguments over abortion regulations get violent and the state’s National Guard sticks to the second Texas republic. Or a dispute over the federal inspectors’ closing of a nearby bridge turns into a standoff between a well-liked sheriff and a well-known general, and everyone in the nation takes sides. Alternatively, it might be the planned bombing of state capitols timed to coincide with the presidential transfer of 2028, to which left- and right-wing extremists have taken turns accusing one another.
Stated differently, it’s my hatred of you, not you.
These situations are not my own; all of them may be found in current factual publications that warn of an impending rift in America. David French’s “Divided We Fall,” which warns that Americans’ political and cultural groupings run the risk of pulling the nation apart, captures the secessionist aspirations. (French released it prior to starting a column in the Times in 2023.) Barbara F. Walter’s “How Civil Wars Start” describes the explosions that occur in statehouses and highlights how opportunistic politicians can more readily inflame ethnic and cultural gaps that result in bloodshed when democratic standards are undermined. According to Stephen Marche’s “The Next Civil War,” our great divorce will result from irreconcilable conflicts over what America stands for. The Battle of the Bridge is one of several potential Sumter moments.
These writers provide illustrations.
Rather than making predictions about what will occur, these writers provide examples of what may. They are making the point that such possibilities exist in our politics and culture. Marche states, “The crisis has already arrived.” “The only cases that remain are the inciting ones.”
The highly contested new picture “Civil War,” directed by writer-director Alex Garland (whose box office success can be partly attributed to the large number of newspaper columnists who attended), is a fascinating addition to this canon precisely because it lacks any provocative events. We never find out exactly what or who ignited the American Civil War or which ideology, if any, is in the running for dominance. It’s a bold and confusing move, but a successful one. A lengthy backstory would detract from the audience’s ability to interact with the The battle itself, as experienced and documented by the worn-out journalists at the core of the narrative, including its moments of hopelessness and disengagement, death and denial.
An additional layer of distance is created even by the decision to have journalists serve as the film’s protagonists; this is especially true given how infrequently, even among themselves, these journalists debate the conflict’s origins or raise political issues surrounding it. A seasoned photographer reminds her protΓ©gΓ©, “We record so other people ask.” The narrative centers on their journey from New York to Washington, D.C., where they intend to secure a final interview with the president prior to the collapse of the capital.
If your journey takes place in between the dislocation of “Nomadland” and the dystopia of “The Road,” then “Civil War” is a road trip movie. If your goal is to see the national monuments before they are destroyed by crumbling debris. In the event that stopping for gas results in scenes of torture and Canadian cash. If mass graves and stadium camps have
An additional layer of distance is created even by the decision to have journalists serve as the film’s protagonists; this is especially true given how infrequently, even among themselves, these journalists debate the conflict’s origins or raise political issues surrounding it. A seasoned photographer reminds her protΓ©gΓ©, “We record so other people ask.” The narrative centers on their journey from New York to Washington, D.C., where they intend to secure a final interview with the president prior to the collapse of the capital.
If your journey takes place in between the dislocation of “Nomadland” and the dystopia of “The Road,” then “Civil War” is a road trip movie. If your goal is to see the national monuments before they are destroyed by crumbling debris. In the event that stopping for gas results in scenes of torture and Canadian cash. If mass graves and stadium camps have
An additional layer of distance is created even by the decision to have journalists serve as the film’s protagonists; this is especially true given how infrequently, even among themselves, these journalists debate the conflict’s origins or raise political issues surrounding it. A seasoned photographer reminds her protΓ©gΓ©, “We record so other people ask.” The narrative centers on their journey from New York to Washington, D.C., where they intend to secure a final interview with the president prior to the collapse of the capital.
If your journey takes place in between the dislocation of “Nomad land” and the dystopia of “The Road,” then “Civil War” is a road trip movie. If your goal is to see the national monuments before they are destroyed by crumbling debris. In the event that stopping for gas results in scenes of torture and Canadian cash. If mass graves and stadium camps have become standard features of America the beautiful.
In this tale, Texas and California have both broken away and have formed an alliance of some kind. The remaining members of the American military forces, a few devoted Secret Service agents, and devoted White House employees are all they are up against; they are all like the throwaway ensigns on a “Star Trek” landing team. The Florida Alliance is another entity that has been attempting to get the Carolinas to secede from Washington.
However, the most noteworthy combatants in this conflict are the unofficial militias dispersed around the nation, whose justifications for using violence vary from self-defense to self-gratification. A fighter points out to a sniper, “Someone’s trying to kill us,” with a frustrated expression on his face. We’re attempting to murder them. Another looks on with slow-motion enjoyment as he executes his hooded, uniformed hostages. A second militant murmurs that he’s set up a local thief partly because the man disregarded him in high school. This casual malice reminded him of the murdering handyman Shad Ledue from Sinclair Lewis’s 1935 novel “It Can’t Happen Here.” Ledue’s lasting animosity propels his vengeance after he achieves just enough power over his kind but unaware former bosses.
Civil disputes
are upheld by the notion that other groups’ “status and position in society” have been diminished, according to Walter. The possibility of blaming and punishing someone for their oppression, along with feelings of loss and oppression, may outweigh the veracity of that deterioration. Due to their petty nature, high school slights and patronizing bosses might serve as justifications for violence once they have slightly opened the door.
The strength of “Civil War” lies in the way the contextual tidbits enhance both the film’s realism and ambiguity. We hear in passing that the president is in his third term of office, and the action opens with him practicing his lies before he speaks to the country. (Therefore, was secession a response to an autocrat or was his prolonged Was tenure itself a reaction to a local uprising? The president took contentious decisions, such as disbanding the FBI (which brought to mind the crucial American decision to dissolve the Iraqi military in 2003) and using airstrikes against American citizens (a story aspect that reminded me of the U.S. death of extremist preacher Anwar al-Awlaki in 2011). The main character of the film, played by Kirsten Dunst, is a war photojournalist who shot a “legendary” photo of the Antifa Massacre that made him famous in college. (Although it’s unclear if Antifa activists were involved in this recent atrocity or not, I couldn’t help but think of the iconic 1970 shot snapped by a college student at Kent State.)
The story of “Civil War” is not as much lifted from the press as it is woven from history; it is a patchwork of past events, some of which occurred here and many of which occurred elsewhere, rather than a picture of what might occur in America.
That is why the movie is similar to Omar El Akkad’s 2017 book “American War,” which imagines a new civil war in the late 21st century after the country has been altered by climate change and a federal ban on the use of fossil fuels sparks a rebellion by citizens holding on to their gas-guzzlers and firearms. El Akkad, a journalist who has covered military tribunals, mass migration, and terrorism all across the world, chooses to combine these topics into one future America where revenge has replaced principle. Someone says, “This isn’t just about secession anymore.”
following the start of the battle. “We want to exact revenge on our dead.” It’s a lengthy book that refutes the idea that America is unique.
Similar criticism is provided by Dunst’s character in “Civil War,” who laments the fact that she is experiencing flashbacks from all the battles she has covered and finds it difficult to believe that this is actually happening. “I felt like I was sending a warning home: Don’t do this,” she adds, recalling each time she made it out of a combat zone and received the picture. However, here we are.
Viewers are forced to acknowledge that there are numerous ways in which a conflict could have started despite the absence of background information in “Civil War.” We may choose our own misadventure; we don’t have to be the Balkans in the 1990s or the United States in the 1850s.
Naturally, not everyone takes a side. Political violence can arise from a combination of minority zealotry and majority indifference, or possibly fear, rather than from widespread mobilization. In “Civil War,” the journalists discover a village trapped in a time warp, with stores remaining open and sprinklers still working, seemingly safe from the mayhem. A resident says she watches the conflict on TV, but she would just as soon just
Just Give me freedom
“Avoid the area.” War is always characterized by the cohabitation of violence and normalcy, and I can imagine many Americans experiencing a similar level of remoteness from a true civil war. (They might refer to it as self-care.) However, I believe that a significant number of us would experience what Marche refers to as “the pleasure of contempt.” This joy permeates every scene in “Civil War,” even the picture reminiscent of Abu Ghraib that gradually emerges during the end credits.
According to Walter, the disintegration of a cohesive national identity is a sign of impending conflict in “How Civil Wars Start.” She claims that in Bosnia, the divide between Serb, Croat, and Muslim identities dominated all other factors, and that in Iraq, people started to question who was Shiite and who Sunni. Among the most Unsettling scenes in “Civil War” feature a combatant wearing camouflage threatening reporters. “What kind of American are you?” he asks when they claim they are Americans. They respond at gunpoint, and the deadly exchange demonstrates that the muck of blood, dirt, and language has become the new definition of America, replacing the creed of liberty, equality, and opportunity.
These new publications that warn of our widening gaps raise the issue of finding a unifying national definition. Walter draws parallels between the political unrest of our day and that of the 1850s and 1960s. The political parties in the nation had drastically different ideas about what lay ahead for America at both times. What might the nation be? What ought the nation to be? She believes that the shared history and lasting principles of America can encourage us to “realize the potential of an authentically multiethnic democracy.” In “Divided We Fall,” French imaginesβbut does not anticipateβthat we could look to our federalist heritage to allow various states to live as they like while upholding individual liberties and the union.
A semblance of unanimity over the kind of nation we wish to be would be necessary for such outcomes, including acceptance of those shared goals and history. This is more difficult in an America where identities and symbols abound and where concessions and commonalities run the risk of being overshadowed by group rights and grievances. According to Walter, “voters are unable to switch sides when they support identity-based parties.” If they are wedded to their political identity, they have nowhere to go to their ethnic or religious identity.β
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